FREEPORT  LYCEUM 


r 

ON 


WASHINGTON’S  BIRTHDAY, 


February  22nd,  1869. 


By  Hon.  H.  C.  BURCHARD. 


FREEPORT : 

JOURNAL  STEAM  PRINT. 


1869. 


( Correspondence.') 

Hon.  H.  C.  Buechard  : 

Sir  : It  is  with  pleasure  I communicate  to  you  the  following 
resolution  unanimously  adopted  by  the  members  of  the  “Freeport 
Lyceum’ ’ at  their  meeting  on  the  evening  of  the  22nd  inst.,  and 
respectfully  solicit  a compliance  with  the  request  therein  con- 
tained : 

“ Resolved , That  the  thanks  of  the  4 Freeport  Lyceum  ’ be 
tendered  to  the  Hon.  H.  C.  Burchard  for  the  very  able  and 
eloquent  address  delivered  this  evening,  and  that  a copy  of  the 
same  be  requested  for  publication. 

Bespectfully  yours, 

Jas.  S.  Cochran,  Pres. 

S.  F.  Aspinwall,  Sec’y. 


Freeport,  Ile.  Feb.  25, 1869. 

Gentlemen  : In  response  to  your  note  of  the  23d  inst.,  and 
accompanying  resolution,  I take  pleasure  in  forwarding  to  you  a 
copy  of  my  address  delivered  before  your  Lyceum  on  the  late 
anniversary  of  Washington’s  birth.  With  thanks  to  the  Lyceum 
and  to  yourselves  for  the  appreciative  terms  in  which  their 
request  is  communicated, 

I am  truly  yours, 

H.  C.  Burchard. 

To  Messrs.  Jas.  S.  Cochran,  President,  and  S.  F.  Aspinwall, 
Secretary,  Freeport  Lyceum. 


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IDID3RESS. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Freeport  Lyceum  : 

The  occasion  suggests  the  theme.  We  commemorate  the 
birth  of  the  great  military  leader  in  the  Revolutionary  War, 
the  first  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  Republic. 

One  hundred  and  thirty-seven  years  ago,  the  hero  was  born, 
whose  prudent  generalship  secured  our  national  independence, 
and  whose  wise  counsels  helped  to  found  the  first  permanent 
Republic  on  the  Western  Continent. 

In  response  to  your  invitation  to  address  you  on  this  anni- 
versary, it  seems  most  appropriate  that  I should, to-night,  review 
the  life,  character,  and  public  services,  of  General  George  Wash- 
ington. But  adequately  to  appreciate  his  exalted  worth  and 
* greatness,  and  comprehend  the  reverential  love  his  name  inspires, 
necessitates  a brief  reference  to  the  prolonged  and  bitter  struggle 
in  which  our  fathers  were  engaged,  and  to  the  trials  and  hard- 
ships to  which  he  was  subjected. 

Rather  than  indulge  in  unmeaning  and  grandiloquent  expres- 
sions of  unmeasured  eulogy,  let  us  seek  the  truer  estimate  and 
more  lasting  impression  that  must  result  from  the  consideration 
of  the  leading  events  which  preceded  the  final  acknowledgment 
of  American  Independence  by  Great  Britain. 

The  contemplation  of  the  devoted  patriotism,  heroic  sacrifices, 
unmurmuring  deprivations,  and  unyielding  courage,  displayed 
by  him  and  our  fathers  in  the  unequal  strife  between  the  infant 
colonies  and  the  mightiest  empire  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  can 
indeed  but  awaken  in  our  breasts  the  warmest  sympathy  and 
deepest  emotion  of  gratitude. 

The  patient  resistance  to  tyrannical  usurpations  wThich  pro- 
voked revolution,  the  noble  and  patriotic  purpose  which  insti- 
gated and  inspired  the  rebellion,  the  lofty  principles  and  decla- 
ration of  rights  avowed  as  justifying  an  appeal  to  arms,  have 
ever  commanded  the  respect  and  admirationof  the  world. 

Let  us  therefore  spend  a few  moments  in  a hurried  review 
of  the  nature  and  magnitude  of  the  contest  between  the  Ameri- 


I 


^ \ *0  5 


4 


can  Colonies  and  England,  and  consider  the  causes  and  griev- 
ances which  armed  the  peaceful  loyal  subjects  of  Great  Britain  to 
defy  its  power. 

The  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  which  commen- 
ced on  this  continent  with  the  struggle  in  1754  for  possession  of 
the  extensive  fertile  region  watered  by  the  Ohio  Elver  and  its 
tributaries,  in  which  Washington  acquired  his  early  renown  and 
taste  for  military  life,  in  1759  had  wrested  from  France  not  only 
the  Canadas,  but  possession  of  the  territory  north  and  west  of 
Virginia.  Four  years  later,  when  peace  was  formally  concluded 
in  1763  between  these  European  powers,  the  French  monarch 
reluctantly  relinquished  the  claim,  as  well  as  dream  of  glory  and 
colonial  empire,  which  had  occasioned  the  war. 

But  though  distanced  in  the  race  of  all  European  Monarchies 
for  territotorial  aggrandizement  in  the  western  world,  it  was 
with  great  satisfaction  the  French  king  beheld  arising  a cause  of 
contention,  which,  if  not  a compensation,  was  a solace  for  his 
defeat. 

The  large  armies  and  fleets,  the  vast  armaments  and  supplies 
provided  by  England  to  maintain  her  supremacy  on  the  sea,  and 
extend  her  colonial  possessions,  had  entailed  a corresponding 
increase  of  her  public  debt.  The  obligations  of  the  colonies  for 
expenses  incurred  in  defending  and  protecting  their  own  frontiers, 
and  paying  the  provincial  troops  employed  in  colonial  service, 
were  pressing  heavily  on  the  people,  and  still  unpaid.  The 
colonial  currency  was  irredeemable  and  at  a discount,  and  cred- 
itors, then  as  now,  as  well  as  British  merchants,  complained 
loudly  of  the  injustice  and  dishonesty  of  paying  private  debts 
with  depreciated  paper. 

The  British  ministry,  charged  with  the  duty  of  providing 
means  to  defray  the  ordinary  expenditures  of  the  government, 
including  payment  of  interest  on  its  accumulating  public  debt, 
in  1760,  saw  no  alternative  but  to  propose  some  plan  to  increase 
the  revenue. 

Heavier  taxation  at  home  might  excite  opposition  and  critic- 
ism, and  perhaps  transfer  the  control  of  the  government  and 
its  patronage  to  their  ambitious  and  watchful  political  rivals. 
Long  established  precedent  require  the  resignation  of  a British 
Ministry  failing  to  command  the  support  of  a majority  of  the 
members  of  Parliament,  and  the  formation  of  a]  new  Cabinet, 
whose  public  policy  will  accord  with  the  sentiment  of  the  country. 

To  Lord  Grenville,  the  then  Premier,  occurred  the  seeming 
happy  expedient  of  imposing  a tax  upon  the  colonies.  This 
would  help  replenish  the  exhausted  treasury,  and  at  the  same 


5 


time  in  no  way  augment  the  burden  of  taxation  upon  the 
property  or  income  of  the  stolid  British  elector,  whose  effective 
protest  might  shorten  or  endanger  his  term  of  office.  The  Cab- 
inet, and  tory  landlords,  and  borough  members  of  Parliament, 
warmly  seconded  the  proposition.  Laws  were  passed  to  carry 
it  into  effect,  imposing  duties  on  imports,  and  requiring  the  use 
of  stamps.  Between  the  years  1760  and  1765,  no  less  than 
thirty  acts  of  this  kind  were  passed  by  Parliament,  including 
the  famous  Stamp  Act.  The  legislation  was  somewhat  similar 
to  that  of  Congress  in  regulating  Internal  Revenue,  and  just 
about  as  agreeable.  It  resembled  the  late  laws  of  Congress  in 
regard  to  revenue  from  distilled  spirits  very  closely  in  one  par- 
ticular : it  became  from  year  to  year  more  rigorous  and  string- 
ent, and  at  the  same  time  more  ineffectual. 

The  people  of  the  Colonies  denounced  such  taxation  as  a 
violation  of  their  rights  as  freemen.  They  claimed  that,  as 
British  subjects,  taxes  could  only  be  imposed  by  themselves,  or 
their  representatives . The  disregard  of  this  principle,  scarcely  a 
century  previous,  had  justified  the  Revolution  that  subverted  the 
British  throne  and  brought  Charles  I,  to  the  scaffold. 

But  as  yet,  the  colonial  assemblies  contented  themselves 
with  humble  petitions  and  formal  remonstrances,  which  were 
vainly  forwarded  year  after  year. 

At  the  instigation  of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts, 
a congress  of  delegates  from  the  colonies  was  called  to  be  held  at 
New-York,  in  October,  1765.  At  the  time  appointed,  delegates 
from  nine  of  the  thirteen  colonies  were  in  attendance,  and  pre- 
pared and  forwarded  an  address  to  the  King  and  petition  to  Par- 
liament, praying  for  redress.  In  March,  1766,  the  Stamp 
Act  was  repealed,  as  a means  of  pacification  ; but  taxation  in 
other  forms  was  continued,  and  further  duties  imposed  on  im- 
ports into  the  colonies. 

To  oppose  these  measures,  regarded  as  acts  of  tyranny,  as- 
sociations were  formed,  and  written  agreements  circulated  and 
signed,  containing  a pledge  not  to  import  or  use  taxed  commodi- 
ties. The  merchants  of  England  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  this 
persistent  opposition.  Trade  suffered,  and  importations  de- 
clined. 

In  1770,  on  the  accession  of  Lord  North  to  the  Minis- 
try, among  the  first  acts  of  his  administration,  these  duties 
were  repealed,  except  the  tax  on  tea.  This  was  retained,  it  is 
said,  by  direct  command  of  George  III,  to  maintain  the  right 
of  taxation.  The  people  of  New  England  and  other  colonies 
signed  a covenant  not  to  use  this  favorite  beverage.  The  ware- 


houses  of  the  East  India  Company  in  England  became  glutted 
with  the  accumulating  stores  of  tea,  for  which  there  was  no 
demand  in  the  Colonies.  To  remedy  this,  and  induce  the  people  of 
America  to  buy,  in  1773  the  Company  was  authorized  to  send 
their  teas  from  England  to  the  Colonies  without  paying  an  ex- 
port duty.  This  enabled  the  Company  to  offer  the  teas  to  the 
merchants  of  New  York  and  Boston  at  a less  rate  than  they 
could  have  imported  them  directly  from  the  Indies,  and  at  a 
lower  price  than  the  market  in  England,  since  the  duty  was 
only  one-fourth  as  much,  being  three  pence  on  the  pound, 
while  in  England  the  duty  was  one  shilling  on  the  pound.  Sev- 
eral cargoes  were  sent  to  Boston  and  to  New  York. 

But  it  was  not  the  amount , but  the  right  to  tax,  that  was 
in  dispute.  These  tempting  advantages  were  not  sufficient,  the 
hope  of  gain  was  powerless,  to  create  a demand  for  the  tea. 
In  New  York,  it  remained  unsold,  and  had  to  be  thrown  away 
as  worthless.  In  Boston,  before  the  cargoes  were  unloaded,  the 
famous  tea  party  assembled  on  board  the  ships,  one  evening, 
and  consigned  the  chests  to  the  waters  of  the  Bay. 

Evidently,  with  the  people,  the  day  of  petitions  and  re- 
monstrances, of  covenants  and  paper  warfare,  was  passing  away. 
Armed  resistance  and  open  revolt  were  near  at  hand.  The  re- 
taliatory measure  of  the  Ministry,  closing  the  port  of  Boston, 
and  other  acts  passed  to  enforce  the  obnoxious  laws,  aroused  the 
spirit  of  the  people  in  all  the  colonies. 

In  May,  1774,  about  a month  before  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was 
to  go  into  effect,  it  was  recommended  by  the  members  of  the 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts  Assemblies  that  a general  con- 
gress, representing  all  the  colonies,  should  convene  annually,  to 
deliberate  on  matters  that  concerned  their  common  interest. 
Committees  were  appointed  to  correspond  and  arrange  the  time 
and  place  for  the  first  meeting.  The  proposition  was  seconded 
by  the  other  colonies,  and  Monday,  September  5th,  1774,  desig- 
nated as  the  time,  and  Philadelphia  agreed  upon  as  the  place, 
for  such  meeting. 

In  accordance  with  this  call,  emanating  from  the  colonial 
assemblies,  a second  general  congress  met  at  that  time  and  place, 
composed  of  fifty-one  delegates,  and  representing  all  the  Col- 
onies but  Georgia.  George  Washington  and  Patrick  Henry, 
of  Virginia  ; John  Hancock  and  the  Adamses,  of  Massachusetts; 
John  Jay,  of  New  York  ; and  Peyton  Butledge,  of  South  Caro- 
lina, were  some  of  the  distinguished  members  who  participated 
in  and  directed  its  deliberations. 


1 


After  preparing  a masterly  declaration  of  rights  and  review 
of  their  infringement  by  the  British  ministry,  they  proceeded 
no  farther  than  to  adopt  the  same  line  of  peaceable  protest  and 
mutual  agreement  previously  pursued.  They  issued  a petition 
to  the  King  and  memorial  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  with 
a suitable  and  stirring  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Col- 
onies, and  adjourned  without  further  action.  A second  general 
congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  May  10,  1775.  A second 
humble  and  dutiful  petition  was  moved,  but  strongly  opposed. 
It  was  evident  that  the  long-dreaded  crisis  had  arrived.  Peace- 
ful opposition  was  of  no  avail.  Dire  war  was  a necessity.  Mas- 
sachusetts had  already  an  army  in  the  field.  A Federal  Union 
was  forthwith  formed.  To  Congress,  representing  the  United 
Colonies,  was  delegated  certain  enumerated  powers  necessary 
to  carry  on  war,  and  incident  to  a limited  sovereignty  or  con- 
federation. It  was  by  this  Congress  that,  on  the  15th  of  June, 
1775,  the  day  preceding  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  General 
George  Washington  was  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Continental  Army.  It  was  not  until  a year  later  and  at  a 
succeeding  session,  that  final  separation  from  Great  Britain  was 
proposed  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  issued.  Thus  far 
the  Colonies  only  sought  to  maintain  their  rights  as  loyal 
British  subjects,  and  to  support  their  brothers  already  in  arms, 
resisting  the  exactions  of  the  British  ministry.  They  would  not 
tamely  consent  to  an  infringement  of  their  rights.  Submis- 
sion was  cheaper  than  war,  but  incompatible  with  honor  and 
future  safety.  Congress  did  not  hesitate  to  preprare  for  imme- 
diate hostilities,  or  shrink  from  the  consequences  of  an  unsuc- 
cessful rebellion.  Troops  were  raised,  and  the  country  put  in  a 
state  of  defence. 

Great  Britain  was  at  that  time  in  the  zenith  of  her  power. 
The  Canadas  had  been  seized  by  her  arms,  and  become  a de- 
pendency of  her  empire.  She  was  then,  more  than  now,  the 
work-shop  of  the  world.  Subjugated  nations  in  the  Eastern  In- 
dies were  tributary  to  her.  Queen  of  the  sea,  her  commerce 
extended  to  every  region  of  the  earth.  Her  armies  were  brave 
and  disciplined,  her  officers  experienced  and  skillful,  her  re- 
sources exhaustless,  her  credit  unlimited.  At  peace  with  the 
world,  how  long  could  disaffected  provinces  withstand  her 
might  and  oppose  her  veteran,  native  troops  or  foreign  mer- 
cenaries ? 

The  Colonies,  on  the  other  hand,  were  without  credit  or 
monied  capital,  unprovided  with  munitions  of  war  or  military 
stores.  Each  colony  was  an  independent  government,  powerless 


8 


beyond  its  own  boundaries,  and  claiming  its  existence  by  vir- 
tue of  grants  from  the  crown.  Three  millions  of  people  in- 
habited a sparsely  settled  region,  extending  from  the  forests  of 
New  Hampshire  to  the  everglades  of  Florida.  A territory  a 
thousand  miles  in  length  and  scarce  a hundred  broad,  was  ex- 
posed on  the  sea  coast  to  incursions  from  hostile  fleets,  and  on 
its  frontiers  to  lurking  and  unexpected  attacks  from  treacherous, 
savage  tribes.  Success  must  be  purchased  at  the  cost  of  thous- 
ands of  noble  lives,  and  entail  a vast  burden  of  debt.  If  the 
hope  which  instigated  the  leaders  of  the  late  rebellion  to  array 
eight  millions  of  people  against  the  united  power  of  scarcely 
double  that  number  seems  visionary,  reckless  and  foolhardy, 
with  what  contempt  must  boastful  Englishmen  have  regarded 
the  revolt  of  three  millions  of  people  against  a governments  com- 
manding the  resources  of  a hundred  millions  subject  to  her 
sway.  But  “thrice  is  he  armed  that  hath  his  quarrel  just.”  Their 
very  weakness  gave  the  colonists  symyathy  and  strength. 
They  based  their  cause  upon  the  universal  rights  of  man,  and 
electrified  the  world  by  the  assertion  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  over  kings,  lords,  and  hereditary  thrones. 


This  brief  synopsis  of  the  principal  events  in  the  political 
history  of  the  Colonies,  occurring  subsequent  to  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  in  1760,  and  culminating  in  an  open  rupture  with 
Great  Britain,  in  1775,  has  necessarily  detailed  much  that  is  fa- 
miliar in  your  ears.  In  an  intelligent  American  audience  like 
this,  few  are  ignorant  of  the  causes  that  led  to  a final  separation 
from  England,  or  of  the  men  who  were  concerned  in  bring- 
ing it  about.  But  the  historic  page  alone  does  not  suffice  to  keep 
fresh  in  remembrance  from  generation  to  generation  the  events 
of  the  past.  Celebrations  like  this  are  needful  to  awaken  and 
keep  alive  a just  national  pride,  and  secure  a true  estimate 
and  correct  knowedge  of  the  character  and  deeds  of  the  found- 
ers of  the  Republic. 

We  seek  not,  on  this  occasion,  to  glorify  a causeless,  but 
successful  revolt.  We  deplore  the  loss  of  life,  the  sufferings 
and  desolations  of  war.  A Christian  people  can  scarcely  excuse 
or  justify  a resort  to  arms.  Unprovoked  rebellion  and  in- 
surrection against  rightful  authority  deserve  the  severest  repro- 
bation, and  their  instigators  the  direst  punishment.  Treason 
is  and  should  ever  be  regarded  as  the  most  heinous  of  crimes. 
Nothing  but  tyrany  and  the  grossest  violation  of  natural  rights 
can  absolve  the  subject  from  allegiance  to  the  government, 
under  whose  protection  he  lives. 


9 


ButJIiere  are  motives  and  circumstances  which  sanction 
and  elevate  war.  History  pronounces  the  Revolution  justifiable. 
British  Statesmen  deploring  the  cause,  and  the  results  of  the 
war.  freely  acknowledge  the  rebellion  to  have  been  praiseworthy. 
Our  fathers  were  not  mere  adventurers,  fighting  like  the  foreign 
mercenaries  opposed  to  them  from  love  of  personal  glory,  or  the 
freedom  and  license  of  camp  life.  Nor  were  they  mere  patriot 
soldiers  defending  the  cause  and  honor  of  their  country.  Their 
claim  to  sympathy  and  unmeasured  praise  rests  upon  higher 
and  nobler  ground.  They  went  forth  as  the  champions  of  uni- 
versal man.  , They  asserted  his  title  to  self  government. 

As  Christ  taught  in  religion,  that  Jewish  rites  and  observ- 
ances were  made  for  man  and  less  important  than  man’s  wants, 
and  necessities,  so  they  proclaimed  as  a political  truth,  that  laws, 
institutions,  and  governments,  were  made  for  men  and  subordi- 
nate to  the  national  rights,  and  paramount  authority  of  the 
people. 

Of  the  chief  actor,  the  chosen  leader  of  the  armies  of  the  new 
confederation,  raised  up  by  Providence  to  guide  to  final  victory, 
all  that  pertains  to  his  early  life,  education  and  personal  charac- 
teristics, is  eagerly  heard  and  fondly  cherished.  As  pioneer 
leader,  later  as  civilian  and  legislator,  the  successful  warrior,  the 
wise  statesman  founding  a permanent  government,  or  the  retired 
and  beloved  private  citizen,  in  each  station  he  added  new  lustre 
to  his  name,  and  gave  fresh  cause  for  love  and  veneration.  It  is 
not  possible  to  night  to  attempt  a review  of  his  civil  or  military 
administration.  I shall  refresh  your  recollection  by  a reference  to 
a few  of  the  incidents  of  his  life. 

Although  born  to  be  the  leader  of  western  democracy  by 
ancestry  and  education  as  well  as  habits  and  association,  Wash- 
ington was,  if  aristocrat  is  too  harsh  a term,  a patrician  of  the 
most  exclusive  type.  His  family  prided  themselves  in  tracing 
their  genealogy  to  names  honored  and  renowned  in  early  and 
mediaeval  English  history.  His  most  intimate  personal  friends 
previous  to  the  Revolution  were  English  families,  who  kept  up 
the  manners  and  state,  as  far  as  their  means  would  allow,  of 
English  gentlemen  and  land-owners.  His  brother  had  married 
the  daughter  of  Sir  Wm.  Fairfax,  and  Lord  Thomas  Fairfax, 
uncle  of  the  latter,  who  held  title  by  grant  from  the  crown  to  the 
unsettled  regions  between  the  Shenandoah  River  and  Alleghany 
Mountains,  became  Washington’s  special  patron,  ahd  almost  the 
founder  of  his  fortunes.  He  delighted,  with  them,  to  indulge  in 
the  favorite  amusements  of  English  squires,  and  fox  hunting, 


2 


10 


with  horses  and  hounds,  was  as  common  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac  as  at  the  country  seats  in  England. 

Opulent  Virginia  families  of  those  days  loved  to  display  rich 
services  of  plate,  elegant  equipages,  and  splendid  carriage  horses, 
all  imported  from  England.  Washington,  after  his  marriage,  had 
his  chariot  and  four,  with  black  postilions  in  livery,  for  the  use 
of  Mrs.  Washington  and  her  lady  visitors.  His  stable  was  filled 
with  thorough-bred  saddle  horses,  and  a kennel  of  the  swiftest 
fox  hounds  was  a regular  part  of  nis  establishment. 

His  taste,  as  well  as  a love  of  adventure,  had  early  inclined 
Washington  not  only  to  out-cloor  sports,  but  to  an  active  pioneer 
life.  With  the  meager  education  that  home  tutorship  and  a 
short  tuition  in  a neighboring  school  afforded,  at  sixteen  years  of 
age  he  was  employed  by  Lord  Fairfax  to  survey  his  extensive 
possessions  in  the  western  part  of  Virginia.  Washington  thus 
spent  three  years  surveying  in  the  wild  and  beautiful  region 
between  the  Shenandoah  and  head  waters  of  the  Potomac  Rivers. 
His  limited  education  had  been  practical,  rather  than  scientific 
or  classical.  He  seems  to  have  acquired  a very  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  accounts,  and  was  unusually  accurate  and  methodical  in 
his  books  and  mathematical  calculations.  Judged,  however,  by 
the  standard  of  scholastic  attainment  of  the  present  day,  his 
education  would  be  considered  deficient.  Not  merely  as  to  those 
wonderful  improvements  and  inventions  that  have  originated 
since  that  time,  but  in  the  sciences  and  studies  of  that  period. 
Without  any  acquaintance  with  ancient  or  modern  languages,  or 
a superficial  study  of  history,  political  economy,  and  the  science 
of  government,  this  young  man  was  thrown  upon  the  world  to 
carve  out  his  own  fortune,  and  help  to  shape  the  destiny  of  the 
continent. 

Having  completed  his  surveys,  scarcely  had  Washington 
returned  home,  when  his  brother  Lawrence  secured  for  him, 
then  but  nineteen  years  old,  the  office  of  Adjutant  General  of 
one  of  the  military  districts  of  Virginia.  Thus  early  was  his 
attention  called  to  military  duties  and  a practical  knowledge 
of  the  routine  of  military  business,  which  was  to  be  of  great  ser- 
vice to  him  in  after  years.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  was 
reappointed  to  the  same  position,  and  detailed  as  a special  com- 
missioner to  meet  the  friendly  Indians  and  deliver  a remon- 
strance to  the  commandant  of  the  French  post  at  Venango,  in 
the  present  famous  oil  regions  of  Western  Pennsylvania.  The 
manner  in  which  he  performed  the  duties  of  this  delicate  and 
hazardous  mission,  and  accomplished  the  winter’s  journey 


11 


through  the  wilderness,  secured  him  the  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Virginia  and  the  approval  of  the  Governor. 

In  the  unfortunate  expedition  fitted  out  the  succeeding  year 
to  take  possession  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Ohio,  Washington 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel,  and  made 
second  in  command.  The  disastrous  termination  of  that  cam- 
paign, though  by  no  fault  of  his,  threw  a temporary  cloud  upon 
his  rising  fortunes  ; and  when  Gen.  Braddock  undertook  his 
famous  march  for  the  captureof  the  fort  just  established  at  the 
junction  of  the  rivers  forming  the  Ohio — the  present  site  of 
.Pittsburg — Washington  found  himself  without  a command,  and 
holding  the  position  of  voluntary  aid  on  the  General’s  Staff.  The 
overwhelming  defeat  of  Gen.  Braddock,  and  hurried  retreat  of 
the  remnant  of  the  British  Army,  left  the  duty  of  defending 
the  frontier  settlements  of  the  colony  upon  the  people  of  Vir- 
ginia. In  obedience  to  the  general  wish,  the  command  of  all 
the  troops  of  the  colony  was  given  to  Washington,  with  the  rank 
of  Colonel.  From  1755  to  1758,  he  held  this  position,  and  was 
much  of  the  time  engaged  on  the  frontier,  protecting  the  set- 
tlements from  threatened  attacks  from  French  and  savages. 
These  campaigns  ended  with  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne, 
November  25,  1758,  and  shortly  after,  Washington  laid  aside  the 
sword  and  retired  to  private  life. 

During  the  summer  preceding  this  last  campaign,  he  again 
surrendered,  but  under  circumstances  that  are  never  considered 
dishoncrable  to  the  chivalrous  soldier.  In  the  latter  part  of 
June,  A.  D.  1758,  on  his  way  to  Williamsburg,  accepting  an 
invitation  from  a Virginia  gentleman  to  halt  for  dinner,  he  met 
the  blooming  widow,  Mrs.  Martha  Custis.  Punctual  to  the  or- 
ders, the  faithful  servant  brought  the  horses  to  the  door. 
Charmed  with  her  society,  the  hours  flew  by,  while  the  steeds 
impatiently  waited.  The  descending  sun  furnished  a ready  ex- 
cuse to  accept  of  the  hospitable  invitation  to  remain  a guest  till 
the  following  day.  The  White  House,  the  residence  of  Mrs. 
Custis,  was  but  a short  distance  from  Williamsburg,  and  his 
brief  sojourn  at  the  Capital  resulted  in  an  engagement  before  his 
departure  for  the  west.  On  his  return  from  the  field,  on  the 
6th  of  January,  1759,  their  marriage  took  place,  at  the  White 
House,  in  the  good  old  style  of  Virginia  hospitality.  A few 
months  after,  they  removed  to  Mount  Vernon,  where  they  con- 
tinued to  reside,  and  where  Washington  found  sufficient  oc- 
cupation in  the  management  of  the  numerous  farms  connected 
with  the  estate,  up  to  the  time  of  his  acceptance  of  the  com- 
mand of  the  Continental  Army. 


The  appointment  of  Washington  to  that  responsible  posit- 
ion, was  justified  not  only  by  his  subsequent  success,  but  was 
due  to  his  reputation  and  military  experience.  The  army 
then  in  the  field  were,  however,  New  Englanders.  The  pro- 
motion of  Gen.  Ward,  who  commanded  the  army  investing 
Boston,  was  desired  by  his  men  and  the  people  of  the  eastern 
States.  Then  occurred  in  Congress  the  first  example  in  our 
history  where  sectional  preferences  yielded  to  the  spirit  of  pat- 
riotism, A son  of  Massachusetts  advocates  a son  of  Virginia  for 
this  place.  John  Adams  proposes  George  Washington  for  Com- 
mander-in-Chief.  The  common  cause  and  the  common  danger 
raise  the  counselors  of  the  nation  above  local  jealousies  and 
pride  of  faction.  It  is  paralleled  by  a scene  in  the  recent  history 
of  our  country,  when  Logan  fraternized  with  Lovejoy,  and  the 
lamented  Douglas  sank  the  partisan  in  the  patriot ; when  we 
beheld  the  chief  of  a mighty  party,  to  save  his  country,  warmly 
espouse  the  cause  and  defend  the  measures  of  his  most  successful 
political  rival. 

I shall  not  attempt  further  to  trace  the  history  of  Washing- 
ton through  the  vicissitudes,  the  alternate  triumphs  and  defeats, 
successes  and  disasters,  of  the  war.  The  results  of  its  battles  and 
sieges,  every  school-boy  knows  by  heart.  That  our  troops  were 
worsted  at  Long  Island,  Germantown,  and  Brandywine  Creek, 
we  unwillingly  acknowledge.  That  at  Bunker  Hill  we  somehow 
had  the  advantage,  although  driven  from  the  ground,  we  have 
been  taught  to  believe.  And  that  Trenton,  Bennington,  Saratoga, 
and  Yorktown,  were  glorious  victories,  and  among  the  mighty 
battles  that  decided  the  world’s  destiny,  we  shall  at  least  on  the 
Fourth  of  July,  always  boast. 

But  our  claim  to  greatness,  to  heroism,  for  Washington,  is 
not  merely  that  with  an  untrained  peasant  soldiery  he  kept  at 
bay  the  best  officered  and  disciplined  troops  of  Great  Britain. 
Measured  by  the  standard  of  success,  he  towers  to  the  height  of 
the  renowned  generals  of  former  ages.  But  this  is  not  the  true 
test  of  greatness  or  character.  The  truly  great  and  heroic  spirit, 
conscious  of  its  own  power,  will  keep  an  equal  temper — neither 
greatly  elated  at  unexpected  good  fortune,  or  cast  down  by  adver- 
sity. Such  was  the  usual  frame  of  mind  of  the  ever  thoughtful, 
ever  watchful  Washington.  In  times  of  despondency  and  gloom, 
his  shining  qualities  and  unflinching  courage  appeared  most  re- 
splendent and  steadfast.  When  driven  before  superior  force, 
compelled  to  evacuate  New-York,  and  inch  by  inch  yield  posses- 
sion of  the  Jerseys  and  eastern  Pennsylvania  ; when  even  Phila- 
delphia, the  then  capital  of  the  confederation,  was  occupied  by 


r 


13 

the  foe,  he  did  not  despair  of  final  success.  In  the  cheerless  win- 
ter quarters  in  which  it  became  necessary  to  encamp  his  ill  - clad 
and  sometimes  half- fed  troops,  Washington,  though  sorrowful 
at  heart  for  their  sufferings,  was  serene,  hopeful,  and  uncom- 
plaining. At  Valley  Forge  the  soldiers  learned,  as  a writer  of 
that  day  truly  said,  that  “ his  was  a character  which  never 
appeared  to  full  advantage  but  in  difficulties  and  in  action,  and 
a mind  that  could  flourish  upon  care.’ 1 

Another  scene  in  his  eventful  life  should  ever  be  kept  green 
in  the  memory,  and  held  up  as  an  example  for  the  soldiers  of 
the  Republic  in  all  coming  time. 

Great  Britain  had  reluctantly  acknowledged  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Colonies.  The  mission  of  the  army  ended,  the  men 
are  to  be  mustered  out  of  service  and  return  to  their  homes.  But 
their  pay  is  in  arrear.  When  disbanded,  will  Congress  respect  its 
engagements  and  fulfill  obligations  assumed  in  times  of  urgent 
necessity,  verging  upon  despair  ? Will  the  depreciated  currency 
in  which  they  are  to  be  paid  be  redeemed  ? Will  it  not  be  repudi- 
ated and  dishonored?  In  lieu  of  the  uncertain  retired  half- pay 
promised  them  at  the  close  of  the  war,  the  officers  request  an 
immediate  and  definite  appropriation  of  its  present  value.  As 
their  petition  lingers  unnoticed,  or  unapproved,  the  officers  and 
soldiers  turn  at  once  to  Washington  as  their  leader  and  friend.  If 
he  will  but  assume  and  exercise  the  absolute  authority  with 
which  in  times  of  emergency  he  has  been  clothed,  Congress  will 
yield  to  their  wishes,  or  they  can  compel  submission. 

A Bonaparte  or  a Cromwell  would  eagerly  have  seized  the 
opportunity,  as  an  ample  excuse  for  overthrowing  a weak  and 
temporary  authority  like  that  of  the  confederation,  and  have 
sought  to  establish  a strong  and  permanent  hereditary  govern- 
ment, with  himself  as  the  head  and  founder  of  a dynasty.  But 
Washington  was  no  vulgar  hero,  seeking  a conqueror’s  fame  to 
appease  an  ambitious  thirst  for  glory  and  power.  No  thought  of 
selfish  aggrandizement,  no  motive  but  the  purest  patriotism,  har- 
bored in  his  breast.  He  had  already  indignantly  rebuked  the 
suggestion  that  a monarchy  ought  to  be  established  in  America, 
for  its  safety,  and  he  become  its  king.  He  now  entreats  his  com- 
patriots in  arms  not  to  sully  their  well-earned  fame  by  insubordi- 
nation or  resistance  to  the  civil  government.  He  portrays  in 
earnest,  eloquent  words,  to  be  remembered  to  all  generations,  the 
danger  to  liberty  and  the  country  if  military  power  is  not  kept 
in  strict  subjection  to  the  civil  authority.  His  counsel  and  influ- 
ence calms  their  excitement,  and  saves  the  country  from  domestic 
disorders  and  the  danger  of  a military  despotism.  The  soldiers 


14 


consent  to  leave  their  claims  to  the  magnanimity  and  sense  of 
justice  of  Congress.  They  return  quietly  to  their  homes,  and 
Washington,  issuing  a most  touching  and  paternal  address  to  the 
disbanded  army,  and  tearfully  bidding  adieu  to  its  officers,  for 
eight  years  his  companions  and  bosom  friends,  appears  before 
Congress  at  Annapolis,  surrenders  to  its  President  his  commis- 
sion, and  retires  to  private  life. 

That  scene  has  ever  been  the  wonder  of  Europe.  Their  ora- 
tors in  vain  ransack  the  records  of  the  past  to  find  a parallel  in 
modern  history,  where  a military  chieftain  has  voluntarily  laid 
aside  honors  and  rank,  and  become  a humble,  untitled,  private 
citizen. 

But  Washington  was  not  permitted  long  to  enjoy  the  repose 
and  seclusion  he  had  sought.  The  Colonies  had  become  independ- 
ent, confederated  States,  but  not  a nation.  After  four  years  of 
trial  from  the  close  of  the  war,  it  became  evident  that  a perma- 
nent union  could  not  be  maintained,  based  upon  the  limited 
powers  conceded  by  the  articles  of  confederation.  Forty  million 
dollars  of  indebtedness  was  to  be  provided  for  by  the  States,  and 
no  authority  had  been  vested  in  Congress  to  compel  any  State  in 
default  to  contribute  its  share.  The  general  credit  suffered,  and 
State  and  Confederate  obligations  became  greatly  depreciated. 
Taxation  excited  commotion  and  discontent.  In  loyal  Massachu- 
setts, the  very  cradle  of  the  Revolution,  there  were  mutterings  of 
insurrection.  Then,  as  now,  according  to  the  report  of  Gen. 
Knox,  propositions  were  advocated  to  “annihilate  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  by  means  of  unfunded  paper , which  shall  be 
a tender  in  all  cases  es  whatever.”  The  late  exploded  scheme  to 
pay  off  our  national  debts  with  greenbacks,  is  not  original  with 
the  financial  doctors  of  the  present  day. 

To  remedy  these  and  other  evils,  to  form  a more  perfect 
union,  and  organize  a firm  and  stable  government,  that  not  only 
could  withstand  foreign  aggressions,  but  suppress  domestic  dis- 
order and  violence,  Washington  urged  that  the  States  hould  send 
delegates  to  meet  in  convention  and  remodel  the  Federal  compact. 
Of  that  convention  Washington  was  the  presiding  officer.  It 
prepared  and  submitted  for  ratification  the  charter  of  a national 
government,  to  be  granted  by  the  people  as  the  sovereign  power. 
The  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  swaddling  clothes  of  an  infant 
Republic,  were  laid  aside,  and  the  Constitution  was  adopted  as 
the  insignia  and  habiliments  of  a powerful  commonwealth.  Who 
but  Washington  was  worthy  to  be  the  first  Chief  Magistrate  of 
this  mighty  nation  ? The  unanimous  voice  of  the  electoral  col- 
lege calls  him  to  the  executive  chair,  and  at  the  close  of  his 


15 


term,  accords  him  an  endorsement  of  his  wise  measures,  and  a 
flattering  re-electionto  these  highest  honors  of  the  state.  After 
eight  years  public  service,  he  again  determines  to  retire  and  enjoy 
the  privacy  of  domestic  life  at  his  beloved  Mount  Vernon.  He 
declines  a second  re-election,  and  establishes  a precedent  that  he 
considers  necessary  as  a check  upon  the  growing  love  of  power 
and  authority  engendered  by  successive  elections  and  long  con- 
tinuance in  offlee. 

Thus  hastily  and  imperfectly  have  I narrated  some  of  the 
leading  incidents  in  the  life  of  General  Washington,  in  the  succes- 
sive periods  of  his  eventful  career. 

You,  Mr.  President,  know  with  what  hesitancy  I decided  to 
accept  your  flattering  invitation  to  address  the  Lyceum  on  this 
anniversary  of  Washington’s  birth.  An  unusual  pressure  of 
private  and  professional  business  has  of  late  robbed  me  of  the 
time  I promised  myself  to  devote  to  the  consideration  of  this 
subject ; and  this  must  be  my  apology  for  so  much  as  I shall  have 
come  short  of  your  expectations. 

It  is  with  diffidence  I present  this  rough  sketch,  hardly 
daring  to  attempt  an  analysis  of  his  character.  For  a century, 
the  most  gifted  orators  and  polished  writers  and  poets  have  vied 
with  each  other  in  lauding  his  name  and  extolling  his  virtues. 
It  is  useless  to  attempt  to  match  what  they  have  said  and  sung  of 
his  deeds. 

It  is  far  better,  as  we  commemorate  the  day,  to  hope,  by  a 
brief  review  of  the  striking  traits  of  his  character  and  the  events 
of  his  life,  to  inspire  a spirit  of  emulation  in  the  minds  of  our 
youth,  who,  like  him,  must  in  a great  measure  be  the  architects 
of  their  own  fortune.  The  objects  of  this  gathering  will  be 
accomplished,  if  the  contemplation  of  his  career  shall  echo  back 
from  the  minds  of  the  young  the  words  of  the  poet — 

“Lives  of  great  men  all  remind  ns, 

We  can  make  our  lives  sublime.” 


Before  closin'?  this  address  I cannot,  Mr.  President,  overlook 
the  contrast  our  country  presents  to-day  to  the  feeble  nation 
over  which  Washington  was  elected  to  preside.  The  progress  of 
the  United  States  in  wealth,  population  and  all  the  elements  of 
national  power  and  greatness,  as  well  as  in  science,  art,  literature 
and  the  higher  eriterions  of  civilization  and  intellectual  advance- 
ment is  matter  Qf  pride  and  satisfaction.  It  is  true  that  the 
world  has  steadily  improved,  advancing  in  the  means  of  sub- 
stantial comfort  and  enjoyment  as  well  as  in  knowledge  and 
civilization. 

Many  of  the  great  sciences  have  been  built  up,  the  ir  funda- 


16 


mental  laws  have  been  discovered  and  recognized  since  the  time 
of  Washington.  The  great  improvements  in  the  means  of  loco- 
motion and  distant  communication  has  been  made  within  the 
present  century.  The  railroad,  the  steamship  and  magnetic 
telegraph,  which  have  changed  the  laws  and  methods  of  trade 
and  business,  and  more  than  doubled  the  productive  energies  of 
civilized  nations,  were  unknown  to  Washington.  The  great 
discoveries  in  practical  science,  the  largest  advances  in  economic 
art,  the  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  and  threshing,  reaping  and 
mowing  machines,  which  have  revolutionized  the  agriculture 
of  the  country,  were  made  within  the  present  century. 

But  America  has  outrun  the  progress  of  the  age.  The  first 
settlers,  the  Pilgrim  fathers,  Dutch  Burghers  and  Virginia  Plan- 
ters, were  too  much  concerned  how  to  provide  secure  and  perma- 
nent homes  in  the  wilderness  for  themselves  and  their  children, 
to  care  about  the  laws  of  planetary  motion  or  relish  the  study  of 
the  abstruse  sciences.  Such  an  age  may  produce  an  isolated 
Washington  or  Franklin,  but  statesmen,  poets  and  profound 
scholars  rarely  appear  until  further  and  later  developement. 
A new  country  is  not  the  congenial  home  of  the  muses.  They 
do  not  desert  Arcadian  fields  for  wild  clearings, nor  do  philoso- 
phers mistake  desolate  forests  for  Academic  groves.  Yet  such  has 
been  the  effect  of  a system  of  universal  education  and  the  general 
diffusion  of  knowledge,  our  people,  if  not  as  profound,  are  more 
intelligent  than  any  other  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

It  is  needless  here  to  mention  the  illustrious  names  who  have 
contributed  as  statesmen,  orators,  poets,  sculptors,  painters, 
philosophers,  jurists  and  historians  and  inventors  to  the  world’s 
advancement  and  honored  American  genius  and  learning.  The 
scientific  world  acknowledges  our  claim  to  equal  rank,  and  the 
profoundest  European  scholars  and  thinkers  find  in  our  midst  an 
appreciative  home. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  condition,  the  weakness  and 
poverty,  of  the  colonies  when  the  war  commenced  against  Great 
Britain.  At  its  close  we  find  a burden  of  debt  amounting  fo  the 
seeming  vast  sum  of  forty  millions  of  dollars  loading  down  and 
almost  disrupting  the  confederacy. 

How  little  did  Washington  dream  of  the  wonderful  growth 
in  power,  resources  and  territorial  empire  to  which  we  have 
attained.  How  little  could  his  sagacious  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, Alexander  Hamilton,  as  he  studied  to  preserve  the  national 
honor,  and  with  an  empty  treasury  redeem  in  full  the  national 
obligations,  realize  that  in  three  fourths  of  a century  the  revenues 
of  the  nation  for  a single  month  would  exceed  the  debt  he 


17 


scarcely  believed  the  people  could  pay.  How  the  immense  debt 
we  have  incurred,  more  than  $2,000,000,000,  would  have 
astounded  and  appalled  that  astute  and  unequaled  financier. 

But  this  increase  of  national  indebtedness  has  not  outrun 
our  development  in  wealth  and  resources. 

Then  3,000,000  of  people  dwelt  upon  the  borders  of  the  At- 
lantic Ocean.  The  pioneer  settlers  had  scarcely  reached  the 
crests  of  the  Alleghanies  or  penetrated  the  heavy  forests  of 
Central  New  York  and  Western  Pennsylvania,  To-day  an  em- 
pire spans  the  continent.  Forty  millions  of  people  throng  the 
busy  marts  of  trade  or  carry  on  the  commerce  and  manufac- 
tures of  the  States  in  the  east,  fell  the  northern  forests,  gather 
the  southern  cotton,  the  wheat  and  corn  of  the  Mississippi  val- 
ley or  the  mineral  wealth  of  its  western  States  and  Territories. 

Forests  have  disappeared,  wide-spreading  prairies,  at  first 
dotted  with  pioneer  homes,  have  been  enclosed  and  divided  into 
thousands  of  farms.  Villages  starting  up  have  grown  to  towns 
and  expanded  to  mighty  cities.  Iioads  and  streets  are  thronged 
with  loaded  teams  carrying  to  ready  markets  the  products  of  the 
soil  or  of  the  labor  of  the  skilled  artisan. 

Tracks  of  iron  belt  the  land,  and,  bridging  the  father  of 
waters,  stretch  on  through  the  wilderness,  up  and  over  to  the 
western  slope  of  the  Bocky  Mountains.  Swift  going  steamers 
panting,  glide  and  penetrate  into  every  navigable  river,  and 
stem  their  swiftest  currents.  The  telegraph  flashes  intelligence 
with  the  rapidity  of  thought  itself,  and  outruns  the  earth  in 
its  diurnal  revolution. 

While  rendering  this  tribute  to  the  departed  heroes— the 
founders  of  the  nation— before  we  dismiss  the  theme,  let  us  pre- 
sent a parallel  devotion,  the  mention  of  which  your  own  thoughts 
have  anticipated.  We  have  just  passed  through  a fiery  trial  al- 
most as  severe  as  that  to  which  our  fathers  were  subjected.  We 
have  seen  the  threatened  disruption  of  the  Union  assume  the 
form  of  open  revolt  and  armed  rebellion.  Seven  states  not 
only  declare  their  right  to  withdraw,  but  formally  secede  and 
set  up  a hostile  government.  Other  states  are  divided  in  senti- 
ment and  sympathy,  and  luke-warm  in  loyalty,  secretly  fa- 
vor the  new  confederacy* 

A hastily  summoned  volunteer  mi  itia,  at  their  first  onward 
movement,  sustain  an  inglorious  defeat.  Half  of  the  territory 
of  the  Union  is  practically  within  the  control  of  the  insurgent 
force.  With  the  recognition  of  belligerent  rights  and  a c/e- 
facto  government  established  and  in  operation,  they  confidently 


\ 


18 


expect,  and  at  the  first  pretext  for  interference,  will  secure  foreign 
succor  and  intervention. 

As  the  war  draws  on  to  the  close  of  its  third  year,  it  finds 
a million  of  loyal  men  in  the  field  or  on  the  sea  and  still  the 
rebellion  defiant  and  its  spirit  unbroken.  A vast  and  increas- 
ing debt,  appalling  in  its  magnitude,  is  fast  sinking  the  national 
credit  to  the  lowest  bankruptcy.  The  rightful  successor  of  Wash- 
ington, the  noble  Lincoln,  imbued  with  the  fortitude  and  reso- 
lute spirit  which  buoyed  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution  above 
the  disasters  of  1777  and  1778.  calls  upon  the  soldiers  and  the 
country  to  keep  heart  and  courage  and  persevere  in  the  strug- 
gle for  the  National  Union.  The  nation  as  well  as  the  army 
respond  to  his  call. 

Taxes,  such  as  our  fathers  never  would  or  could  have  borne, 
are  cheerfully  paid.  The  people  readily  advance  their  means 
to  the  government  and  eagerly  subscribe  to  the  national  loans. 
The  depleted  ranks  are  speedily  filled.  Irresolute  and  incom- 
petent commanders  give  place  to  the  silent,  determined  and 
fearless  General  who  is  to  become  the  foremost  soldier  in  the 
war,  and  the  great  captain  of  the  age.  Under  the  leadership  of 
Gen.  Grant,  the  army  steadily  moves  on,  driving  the  rebellious 
foe  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea  coast,  from  Savannah  to 
Raleigh,  from  Alexandria  to  Richmond,  and  on  to  Appomattox 
Court  House,  to  defeat  and  surrender. 

All  honor  to  the  noble  martyr  President  who  guided  the  na- 
tion through  all  the  gloomy  period  and  like  the  leader  of  Israel 
died  on  the  threshold  of  promised  peace ! All  honor  to  him 
who  soon  shall  be  his  worthy  successor,  who  led  the  Union  hosts 
to  final  victory.  And  honored  be  those  both  at  home,  in  the  field, 
or  on  the  sea  who  did  not  despair  of  the  Republic,  or  shrink  from 
sacrifices  and  burdens  to  insure  final  success.  And  higher  hon- 
ors and  more  substantial  rewards  shall  ever  be  accorded  to  our 
brave  soldiers,  welcomed  home  to  share  with  us  the  blessings  of 
national  unity  which  their  prowess  and  patient  courage  aided  to 
secure.  May  they  long  live  in  our  midst,  living  witnesses  to  the 
gratitude  and  affection  with  which  a mindful  nation  has  ever 
regarded  her  sons  who  courted  dangers  and  sacrifices  for  her 
glory  and  safety,  and  though  their  country  should  fail  to  recom- 
pense or  cease  to  appreciate  their  heroic  deeds,  they  still  will 
enjoy  the  proud  satisfaction  of  having  been  enrolled  among  her 
defenders  in  the  time  of  her  peril,  and  the  consciousness  of  having 
nobly  and  successfully  discharged  the  duties  of  patriot  and 
soldier. 

But  while  their  presence  will  keep  fresh  in  fading  memory 


( 


19 


our  obligations  to  the  living  let  us  not  forget  the  silent  dead  who 
went  forth  with  them  in  this  holy  cause,  but  shall  return 
never  more.  It  is  not  inappropriate  on  this  occasion,  that,  in  con- 
clusion, as  requested  by  members  of  the  association,  I should 
speak  a word  for  the  voiceless  soldiers  who  sleep  their  last  sleep 
beneath  the  sod,  in  the  valleys  and  forests,  or  on  the  moun- 
tain crests  where  they  laid  down  to  die  on  Southern  soil ; who 
lie  side  by  side  in  unmarked  graves,  where  they  starved  in 
Southern  prisons,  or,  perchance  more  fortunate,  rest  near  their 
kindred  in  hallowed  tombs,  to  which  it  was  the  mournful  priv- 
ilege of  many  a weeping  circle  of  disconsolate  friends,  tenderly 
and  lovingly  to  consign  the  inanimate  form  of  one  who  fell  on 
the  battle-field  or  reached  a loved  household  but  to  linger  and 
to  die. 

How  shall  we  compensate  the  soldier  who  gave  his  life  for 
his  country  ? What  honors  can  equal  the  measure  of  his  des- 
erts? The  places  that  once  knew  him  in  our  midst  now  know 
him  no  more  forever.  Reminiscences,  fading  from  memory  as 
the  years  flow  by, — a name,  and  perhaps  a mourning  widow 
and  orphaned  children, — are  all  that  remain  among  us  of  the 
citizen  soldier , that  duty,  and  not  glory,  called  to  the  battle-field. 
The  heart-rending  scenes  of  sorrow  and  grief,  when  bereaved 
sisters  and  brothers,  or  a childless  father  and  stricken  mother 
mourned  the  untimely  death  of  the  bravest  and  beet,  are  still 
vivid  in  our  recollection.  But  shall  we  leave  enshrined  in  mem- 
ory and  engraven  only  upon  her  uncertain,  fading  tablets  their 
honored  names?  Shall  we  suffer  their  hallowed  remains  to  lie 
unnoticed  and  forgotten,  no  outward  testimonial  bearing  witness 
to  our  love  and  reverence  ? 

I rejoice  to  record  that  the  people  of  our  county  have  nobly 
undertaken  to  rear  a becoming  memorial  to  the  memory  of  her 
brave  sons  who  died  in  the  service  of  their  country  in  suppress- 
ing the  rebellion.  For  this  purpose  we  have  been  asked  to  con- 
tribuleof  our  means.  We  cannot  give  as  freely  as  they  have 
given.  No  wealth  or  worldly  price  can  outweigh  the  value  of 
human  life.  Lavishly  they  poured  out  their  blood  ; let  us  give 
with  no  grudging  hand  to  do  them  honor.  Let  a monument 
rise  in  our  midst,  worthy  of  them  and  us,  that  shall  stand  as  a 
tribute  to  their  memory,  and  a testimonial  that  we  appreciate 
and  revere  self-sacrificing  devotion  and  lofty  patriotism,  ket  it 
teach  our  youth  that  there  is  something  above  the  vulgar  pur- 
suit of  wealth  and  worldly  pleasures.  Let  it  bear  witness  that 
greed  of  gain,  lust  for  power  and  strife  for  honors  and  office, 


20 


that  bountiful  harvests  and  peace  and  plenty  have  not  deadened' 
the  higher  and  nobler  aspirations  of  our  nature. 

Let  the  rising  shaft  suggest  to  every  beholder  the  height  of 
our  esteem.  Let  the  towering  column  signify  the  greatness  of 
their  heroic  deeds  and  the  grandeur  of  their  sacrifice.  Let  rich 
sculpture  and  costly  marble  measure  the  wealth  of  our  affection. 
Let  massive  and  enduring  granite  symbolize  the  eternity  of  the 
patriot  soldiers’  fame. 


